About This Blog

Judging Crimes is a blog about criminal law, violent crime and the judiciary, dedicated to making the liberal case for greater democratic control of the criminal justice system.  It's a "view from the trenches" because it's written by a practitioner, not an academic or journalist.  It examines the changing role of the judiciary in American society by looking at what judges actually do, rather than what they say.  I know what they do because I deal with the consequences every day. 

Opinions issued by judges, from Supreme Court justices on down, are justifications for the exercise of governmental power.  But it is the exercise of power itself that should command our attention, not the justifications.  Judging Crimes is concerned with the reality of judicial power rather than the verbal formulas used to defend it. 

American law professors have long liked to say they teach their students "to think like a lawyer."  Learning to think that way is a matter of internalizing certain assumptions.  The practice of judging is likewise based on a foundation of shared assumptions, among them that the United States Constitution -- a document of 8,335 words, the length of a book chapter -- provides an answer to every question.  Rather like a Ouija board.

These assumptions are so ingrained -- and their internalization is so necessary to the successful practice of law -- that most people who subscribe to them aren't even aware of having done so.  Judging Crimes will try to engage not just with the expressions of judicial power, but with the assumptions on which those expressions  rest.  

Judging Crimes won't be filled with daily entries commenting on the day's events or provide a best-of-the-web welter of links.  Many other blogs already do that, far better than I could hope to do.  (Check out these.)  Instead, Judging Crimes will contain pieces of a length that might seem long for a blog but would be short in a serious magazine.  I hope to post new pieces several times a week.

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« 421. They do things differently over there | Main | 419. Texas [redacted] »
Friday
Jan222010

420. Expanding the Forbidden City

Anyone out there think it's coincidence that the Supreme Court should choose this moment in our political history to declare that insurance companies have a constitutional right to spend unlimited amounts of cash to defeat members of Congress who vote in favor of health care reform?

My Examiner.com column, written for a general audience, explains with as temperate language as I could muster the basic point of yesterday's ruling: some things are too important to be left to democracy.  They must instead be entrusted to our tribal elders, the Council of Wise People.

The Forbidden City in the middle of our public square is engaged in annexing surrounding territory with all the aggressive zeal of a Sun Belt city of the 1970s.  The Supreme Court has now declared that democratic  elections, being essential to our democracy, cannot be allowed to slip into the control of the people acting democratically through their elected representatives.

Instead, elections, being essential to our democracy of more than 300 million people, may only be regulated by any five of a select group of nine federal government workers.

But while you'd have to be exceptionally naive to believe it's coincidence that five Reagan and Bush  appointees should have issued such an opinion during the Obama Administration, I also don't think it's necessarily true they were primarily concerned with the political well-being of anti-reform candidates of their own party.

I think it more likely they were primarily concerned about themselves.  They wanted to make sure their political views carry the day.  Justice Kennedy tipped his hand when he wrote that a prior, marginally more rational opinion of Court

is undermined by experience since its announcement. Political speech is so ingrained in our culture that speakers find ways to circumvent campaign finance laws.

Because restrictions are ineffectual (not least because enforcement efforts are paralyzed by the Supreme Court's random interventions) therefore they're unconstitutional. Because corruption and dishonesty are widespread, therefore it's unconstitutional to attempt to make them less widespread.

This pretty explicitly equates "unconstitutional" with "not a good way of approaching the problem, in my opinion."  For Kennedy, ol' number 3, granted massive power over our government solely on account of his blandness, I think those terms have become interchangeable.

Reader Comments (3)

Your column harps on the fact that corporations aren't persons.

The same is true of corporations that publish newspapers (also known as the institutional press), of religious or charitable organizations that are set up as corporations, and of the Democratic and Republican Parties. So would you think the First Amendment allows the government to ban any of those organizations from circulating their opinions, on the ground that, as nonpersons, they don't have FIrst-Amendment rights? Since the ACLU isn't a person, is it constitutional to make it a crime for the ACLU to spend any of its money to make posters claiming that the Bush Administration unduly sacrificed civil liberties?

Or is it only *for-profit* corporations that you think have no right to the freedom of speech--given that your column rather interestingly compared for-profit corporations to psychopaths?
January 22, 2010 | Unregistered CommenterAW
Money isn't speech. The electrical cord is necessary to make your lamp light up, but that doesn't make the cord light.
January 24, 2010 | Registered CommenterJoel Jacobsen
So you think that the First Amendment is consistent with, say, a law making it a criminal offense for a candidate to spend money to make a campaign ad? And, on your logic, wouldn't the First Amendment also allow a law making it a criminal offense for a crime victim to buy materials to make posters advocating the defeat of a candidate who's soft on crime?

Money isn't religion, either. So on your logic, wouldn't it be consistent with the Free Exercise Clause to prohibit spending money on a cross? After all, that doesn't infringe on the free exercise of religion. *Buying* a cross isn't part of Christianity per se.

What about a billion-dollar tax on every condom ever sold, every abortion ever performed? Rubbers aren't money, and neither is an abortion. On your argument, then, the constitutional right to reproductive freedom (assuming our Constitution does grant such a right), wouldn't implicate a constitutional right to spend money to procure contraceptives or abortions.

Does that make any sense at all?
January 25, 2010 | Unregistered CommenterAW

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