351. Legal traditions
In 2003, the Supreme Court sternly set its face against overtly racist policies in the Dallas DA's office. It would no longer tolerate blatant racism in jury selection practices in 1963. (See post 312.) Yesterday the justices just as firmly went on record opposing the jury selection process in a single Louisiana trial in 1996.
It was a death penalty trial, and the historical southern record on death penalty trials involving Black defendants isn't entirely savory, and I don't know anything about the murder except that the New York Times reporter was most likely exhibiting his cluenessless when he reported this at face value:
I suppose it's possible that the reporter didn't realize that's the story told by everybody who kills his ex-lover or her new boyfriend, when explaining why he spent two weeks lurking around her apartment with a knife or gun. But they say that only after serious discussions with their defense attorneys.
Before that moment of enlightenment, they're much more likely to explain their motivation along the lines recounted in a recent story from the third-most-violent state in the nation (without Mr. Snyder's Louisiana, we'd be # 2, but their score was wind-assisted, which is hardly fair):
Still, I suppose that in the Louisiana case, it's possible the gentle Mr. Snyder really was bringing chocolates and flowers when he stabbed the fickle woman to whom he was so steadfastly devoted, as well as the evil seducer who had stolen her away while twirling his mustache.
The Supreme Court said its job was to evaluate "the prosecution’s two proffered grounds for striking" a certain juror - the seemingly-violent verb referring to striking a name off a list, in this case a list of the people unable to come up with good enough excuses to be relieved of the burden imposed by a juror summons. In both criminal and civil cases, all sides are permitted to have some influence over the selection of a jury by rejecting x number of panel members (the number varies from state to state and even from case to case).
Neither side has to have a reason for striking a prospective juror's name off the list, except in the negative sense that neither side is permitted to strike a juror for racist reasons. The intention for that negative limitation, wholly laudable, is to eliminate racism in jury selection. But what actually happened in Mr. Snyder's case was this: the Supreme Court, reading the trial transcript 12 years after the fact, asked itself whether the prosecutor's "reason proffered for the strike of" a certain juror was sincere or not.
Mr. Snyder's attorney, Stephen B. Bright, provided the Times with the obligatory bit of self-righteous gloating, saying "the ruling meant that 'the court has resoundingly told judges and prosecutors throughout the country that the practice of striking people from jury service based on their race must cease.'"
That's what I would've said, too, if I were in Mr. Bright's shoes. But it's not even remotely true. The Court didn't condemn the racism of the jury selection, but rather "[t]he implausibility of [the prosecutor's] explanation". And, you know, they're not the same.
The Court resoundingly told prosecutors (and defense attorneys, at least in theory) throughout the country that if they're going to strike members of definable minority groups from a jury panel, they need to work out more plausible explanations.
In other words, they need to plan it out beforehand.
It's always seemed perfectly obvious to me that any halfway-intelligent racist would always have a solid, plausible excuse for excusing a minority juror. Five minutes' research on the computer will give you a stockpile of a dozen excuses that have been found plausible by appellate courts: he wouldn't meet my eye, judge; or, he looked like he was falling asleep; or, he silently mouthed obscenities at me when no one else was looking: "If looks could kill, judge, I wouldn't be sitting here now." Or (and this would have worked in Mr. Snyder's case), "I've always found that college teachers tend to be know-it-alls who try to dominate the jury."
It's easy to provide a phony-but-plausible explanation for striking a Black juror. Which means: attorney explanations will seem implausible to the Supreme Court only when the attorney in question wasn't trying to BS the judge.
The Supreme Court's approach (generically known by the name of the founding case, Batson) depends on the racist attorney being dishonest with the Court but only carelessly so. It's aimed squarely only at ineffectual racists -- but it also catches non-racist attorneys who haven't felt any need to stockpile phony excuses to meet such exigencies.
Effective racists, ones who've given the matter thought and planned ahead, are free to go about their business.
The Supreme Court's approach can be justified on the grounds that (a) it gives white, conservative justices such as Kennedy and Alito the chance to preen; and (b) it's the best the Supreme Court can do. It's well-intended. Which, you know, is nice. But what if the intention isn't the same as the result. I mean, that's possible, isn't it? Even for the Supreme Court?
The whole theory of Batson is that an attorney's explanation for an action isn't the same as the attorney's reasons for taking that action, but that the explanation provides all the information you need to evaluate the reason. That's probably not strictly self-contradictory, but it's edging pretty close.
Treating the intention as if it were the reality, treating different things as if they were the same -- I must admit the approach has tradition on its side. (See post 346.) And this a profession that's big on tradition.
Thursday, March 20, 2008 at 07:41AM in
Courtroom unreality,
Covering the courts,
Trailing indicators


Reader Comments (1)
You might be closer to the truth than you realize. Justice Alito, while on the 3d Circuit, wrote the dissent (joined by 4 other judges) in Riley v. Taylor, a federal habeas case. (Justice Alito had written the majority opinion for the panel.) During his confirmation hearings, then-Judge Alito was banged around a bit (by Sen. Kennedy) about his dissent in Riley. So, a cynical person could think that Justice Alito, writing the opinion in Snyder, has exorcised the demon that was evident in Riley (or has reached a higher state of consciousness).
And a musing: is any conviction ever overturned because the defense attorney impermissibly struck potential jurors because of race or sex?