About This Blog

Judging Crimes is a blog about criminal law, violent crime and the judiciary, dedicated to making the liberal case for greater democratic control of the criminal justice system.  It's a "view from the trenches" because it's written by a practitioner, not an academic or journalist.  It examines the changing role of the judiciary in American society by looking at what judges actually do, rather than what they say.  I know what they do because I deal with the consequences every day. 

Opinions issued by judges, from Supreme Court justices on down, are justifications for the exercise of governmental power.  But it is the exercise of power itself that should command our attention, not the justifications.  Judging Crimes is concerned with the reality of judicial power rather than the verbal formulas used to defend it. 

American law professors have long liked to say they teach their students "to think like a lawyer."  Learning to think that way is a matter of internalizing certain assumptions.  The practice of judging is likewise based on a foundation of shared assumptions, among them that the United States Constitution -- a document of 8,335 words, the length of a book chapter -- provides an answer to every question.  Rather like a Ouija board.

These assumptions are so ingrained -- and their internalization is so necessary to the successful practice of law -- that most people who subscribe to them aren't even aware of having done so.  Judging Crimes will try to engage not just with the expressions of judicial power, but with the assumptions on which those expressions  rest.  

Judging Crimes won't be filled with daily entries commenting on the day's events or provide a best-of-the-web welter of links.  Many other blogs already do that, far better than I could hope to do.  (Check out these.)  Instead, Judging Crimes will contain pieces of a length that might seem long for a blog but would be short in a serious magazine.  I hope to post new pieces several times a week.

Powered by Squarespace
What's not to like?

Hit the "like" button on Facebook to be notified of mini-blog entries and new posts and columns.

In Our Name
Test Drive the Book!
« 253. The geographic solution | Main | 252. The long surrender »
Monday
Apr022007

252. Lacking a critical value system

In the Wake of the Plague is Norman Cantor's entry in the Be-the-Next-Jared-Diamond! Sweepstakes.   I don't think Professor Diamond needs to worry quite yet, but Cantor's book did have this interesting little aside (the book basically consists of a string of little asides, some more interesting than others):

That today we may look back on the English king of the fourteenth century [Edward III, scion of a "devilish breed" of "fighting royal monsters"] as a kind of destructive and merciless force, while to nearly all articulate and literate contemporaries he was a constitutional king and very model of chivalry and aristocratic honor, illuminates a gap between our world and fourteenth-century Europe

Fourteenth century people lacked the moral categories that could transcend traditional political and social roles.  They lacked a critical value system that judged rulers by consequences and not the formal categories in which their behavior was structured.

I've always thought that the first duty of the historian is not to patronize the past, and talk about the inability of prior folk to think things through as clearly as such models of enlightened humanity as humanities professors has always struck me as a kind of dereliction of duty.  It's a lot easier to say they were inadequate than to face the possibility that they weren't.

Anyway, what's Cantor's evidence for what "nearly all articulate and literate contemporaries" thought?  The writings collected in their archives, of course.  And might there be reasons other than cognitive incapacity why they might not insert into their official archives criticism of a "royal monster"?  What was it that Russians said during Stalin's waning years? - not so much da as duh.

Modern American lawyers live in the intellectual world of Edward III.  We're Scholastics, all of us, still employing the techniques of the 14th century Schoolmen.  (See post 129 and post 14.)  And if a historian writing 650 years in the future were to review only the published opinions of our lower courts, he/she/it could hardly avoid concluding that people of the 21st century lacked the critical value system to judge their Supreme Court by consequences rather than the formal categories in which the Court's legal reasoning was structured.

How else to explain the unquestioning way lower-court judges and practitioners of the 21st century accepted the idea that the Constitution changes meaning from one day to the next, based solely on bloc voting within the intentionally non-representative branch of government?  They had oatmeal for brains back then.  There's no  other explanation.

I was reminded of this the other day when I underwent the dreary ordeal of re-reading Justice Ginsburg's recent opinion in Cunningham v. California.  (See post 230.)  That's the opinion in which she explained that the California Supreme Court had misinterpreted the California sentencing statutes, explaining in a footnote (# 16) that the proper interpretation of state statutes is a federal question.

What hadn't occurred to me previously, though, is to add up the votes of the justices who disagreed with Justice Ginsburg regarding the constitutionality of various sentencing statutes.  In Cunningham, three justices - Breyer, Kennedy and Alito - concluded that her opinion was inconsistent with the opinion she joined in Booker, the decision from two years ago that the Federal Guidelines were, on balance, more constitutional than not.

But in Booker itself, four different justices - Scalia, Thomas, Stevens and Souter - concluded in their messily bickering way that the "remedial opinion" Justice Ginsburg joined was inconsistent with the Court's prior precedent - the very precedent on which her Cunningham opinion is ostensibly based.

That means that, of the nine current members of the Supreme Court, seven are now on record saying that Justice Ginsburg's view is incoherent, self-contradictory, an artifact of "Wonderland."  Chief Justice Roberts hasn't favored us with his own opinion, so we have a 7-1 vote.  And the one receives the obedience of every lower-court judge.

Is there any way to say this profession, in its fealty to a Court capable of producing such a result, is less deserving of condescension tinged with ridicule than England's 14th century scribes?

Reader Comments

There are no comments for this journal entry. To create a new comment, use the form below.

PostPost a New Comment

Enter your information below to add a new comment.

My response is on my own website »
Author Email (optional):
Author URL (optional):
Post:
 
All HTML will be escaped. Hyperlinks will be created for URLs automatically.