About This Blog

Judging Crimes is a blog about criminal law, violent crime and the judiciary, dedicated to making the liberal case for greater democratic control of the criminal justice system.  It's a "view from the trenches" because it's written by a practitioner, not an academic or journalist.  It examines the changing role of the judiciary in American society by looking at what judges actually do, rather than what they say.  I know what they do because I deal with the consequences every day. 

Opinions issued by judges, from Supreme Court justices on down, are justifications for the exercise of governmental power.  But it is the exercise of power itself that should command our attention, not the justifications.  Judging Crimes is concerned with the reality of judicial power rather than the verbal formulas used to defend it. 

American law professors have long liked to say they teach their students "to think like a lawyer."  Learning to think that way is a matter of internalizing certain assumptions.  The practice of judging is likewise based on a foundation of shared assumptions, among them that the United States Constitution -- a document of 8,335 words, the length of a book chapter -- provides an answer to every question.  Rather like a Ouija board.

These assumptions are so ingrained -- and their internalization is so necessary to the successful practice of law -- that most people who subscribe to them aren't even aware of having done so.  Judging Crimes will try to engage not just with the expressions of judicial power, but with the assumptions on which those expressions  rest.  

Judging Crimes won't be filled with daily entries commenting on the day's events or provide a best-of-the-web welter of links.  Many other blogs already do that, far better than I could hope to do.  (Check out these.)  Instead, Judging Crimes will contain pieces of a length that might seem long for a blog but would be short in a serious magazine.  I hope to post new pieces several times a week.

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Saturday
Feb242007

242.  Nuts

The LA Times recently quoted Justice Scalia telling students at Claremont McKenna College: "I'm a textualist. I'm an originalist. I'm not a nut."  But he's a nut about some things, and one of the nuttiest things about him is that he doesn't perceive any contradiction between his first two self-descriptions. 

The whole purpose of being an "originalist" is to fill in the gaps left by the text of the Constitution.  The doctrine, if it deserves such a dignified title, is based on the idea that judges have the power - even the duty - to invent new constitutional doctrines based, not  on the text, but on the judges' imputation of an unexpressed intent, the meaning that the drafters intended to put into the text but absent-mindedly left out.  (See post 81.)

Pure textualism is the only position justified in democratic theory.  It's based on the idea that the Constitution is binding only insofar as the American people agreed to be bound, and they could only have agreed to be bound by the words on the page.  There are no gaps to be filled.  There can be no gaps, by definition.  If the Constitution as it exists is inadequate, the only legitimate way to fix it is by democratic action, that is, through the amendment process. 

Originalism, like any other theory of the "living Constitution," is based on nearly the opposite idea, that the Constitution is an open-ended grant of power to judges.  That the American people who ratified the Constitution and its amendments were saying: "We don't care to define our essential liberties.  We'll leave that to unelected federal officials to explain to us at some later date."  Whether the judges base their eventual explanations on mystical revelations of social evolution or on amateurish historiography (see post 238) is, at best, a difference in technique only, and maybe not a difference at all.

Or, more brutally but perhaps more realistically, originalism boils down to this: "It doesn't matter what the American people said in the past or what they want of their government today.  We're judges and we make the rules.  The people can pass laws that will be effective unless we decide to veto them, based on cynically-shifting proclamations of what is and what is not 'constitutional.'  Other than that, the people's only job is to obey us - although, really, they ought to reverence us, too."

Reader Comments (1)

If textualism is the only justifiable position of constitutional interpretation in democratic theory (and I tend to agree), then is there a place for remedy making like the exlusionary rule? If the constitution grants a right to be free from unreasonable searches and seizures, then doesn't the court have to make something up as a mechanism to enforce that right?
February 26, 2007 | Unregistered CommenterYoung PD

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