About This Blog

Judging Crimes is a blog about criminal law, violent crime and the judiciary, dedicated to making the liberal case for greater democratic control of the criminal justice system.  It's a "view from the trenches" because it's written by a practitioner, not an academic or journalist.  It examines the changing role of the judiciary in American society by looking at what judges actually do, rather than what they say.  I know what they do because I deal with the consequences every day. 

Opinions issued by judges, from Supreme Court justices on down, are justifications for the exercise of governmental power.  But it is the exercise of power itself that should command our attention, not the justifications.  Judging Crimes is concerned with the reality of judicial power rather than the verbal formulas used to defend it. 

American law professors have long liked to say they teach their students "to think like a lawyer."  Learning to think that way is a matter of internalizing certain assumptions.  The practice of judging is likewise based on a foundation of shared assumptions, among them that the United States Constitution -- a document of 8,335 words, the length of a book chapter -- provides an answer to every question.  Rather like a Ouija board.

These assumptions are so ingrained -- and their internalization is so necessary to the successful practice of law -- that most people who subscribe to them aren't even aware of having done so.  Judging Crimes will try to engage not just with the expressions of judicial power, but with the assumptions on which those expressions  rest.  

Judging Crimes won't be filled with daily entries commenting on the day's events or provide a best-of-the-web welter of links.  Many other blogs already do that, far better than I could hope to do.  (Check out these.)  Instead, Judging Crimes will contain pieces of a length that might seem long for a blog but would be short in a serious magazine.  I hope to post new pieces several times a week.

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« 148. Approaching absolute zero | Main | 146. An oyez of scandal »
Friday
Aug112006

147. Dead letters

In this year's Davis v. Washington, Justice Scalia rejected the originalist approach to constitutional interpretation, despite his frequent assertions that he is an originalist, on the ground that "[r]estricting the Confrontation Clause to the precise forms against which it was originally directed is a recipe for its extinction."  (See post 131 and post 127.)

That phrase "recipe for its extinction" is not, one imagines, a reference to Fannie Farmer putting passenger pigeons in a pie.  Presumably Justice Scalia was using "recipe" in the meaning of "[a] formula for or means to a desired end".   So if he meant what he wrote, he meant the dissenters  consciously intended to produce the extinction of the confrontation clause.  Do you think he believed that?  I don't - I think he just liked the phrase and didn't bother to consider what it meant.

If that seems too harsh an assessment, consider the metaphorical flourish at the end of his not-so-bon mot.   Something becomes extinct when it is "[n]o more existing or living".  And so - if he meant what he said - Scalia was telling us that his competing recipe was a formula for keeping the confrontation clause alive.  Considering the abuse Scalia has heaped upon the idea of "a living Constitution", I think it's a pretty safe bet he wasn't in intellectual top form when he signed off on his clerk's ...  I mean, when he wrote that.

But what's so bad about parts of the Constitution becoming dead letters?  Plenty of parts of the Constitution are "extinct."  Look at the third amendment:  "No soldier shall, in time of peace be quartered in any house, without the consent of the owner, nor in time of war, but in a manner to be prescribed by law."  Not much vitality left in that one

Should the Court have made an effort to revitalize it, for example by construing it to mean a citizen can withhold taxes that go to pay the expense of maintaining a military?  Or should we be glad that the particular governmental abuse to which it was directed has been eliminated?

Well, the latter, of course.  But if the confrontation clause as originally enacted would become "extinct" if confined to its original meaning, it means only that that governmental abuse, too, has been eliminated.  If another abuse has meanwhile arisen, there's a mechanism for amending the Constitution.   It's called article V.

But then, article V is pretty much a dead letter.  The meaning of our Constitution changes frequently, but not through the amendment process.  It changes when any five justices of the Supreme Court decide to change it.

What are some other dead twigs in the constitutional tree?  How about article III, section 1, saying that federal judges "hold their offices during good behaviour"?  On the face of it, good behavior is different from - and a good deal less exacting than - the "high crimes and misdemeanor" standard that applies to Presidents.   Which makes sense, given that the President is elected and federal judges aren't, and few people would even notice if half our judges were replaced tomorrow.  But "good behaviour" has been a dead letter for two centuries already

Then there's article IV, section 4: "The United States shall guarantee to every state in this union, a republican form of government".   Does that mean anything at all?  Did the one-party states of the Solid South have a republican form of government?  How about the Kansas of 2006, where budget decisions are being made by the supreme court, not by elected representatives of the people?  How about the Rhode Island of 1845, still operating under a pre-Revolutionary royal charter?  It doesn't matter whether those are/were republican forms of government, because the Constitution's guarantee means nothing.

The ninth and tenth amendments to the Constitution have never meant anything, and the Supreme Court itself held that the privileges and immunities clause of the 14th amendment meant next to nothing.  The extinction of various clauses of the Constitution is nothing new, or even out of the ordinary.  It's been a dying Constitution since long before anyone coined the phrase "living Constitution."

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