About This Blog

Judging Crimes is a blog about criminal law, violent crime and the judiciary, dedicated to making the liberal case for greater democratic control of the criminal justice system.  It's a "view from the trenches" because it's written by a practitioner, not an academic or journalist.  It examines the changing role of the judiciary in American society by looking at what judges actually do, rather than what they say.  I know what they do because I deal with the consequences every day. 

Opinions issued by judges, from Supreme Court justices on down, are justifications for the exercise of governmental power.  But it is the exercise of power itself that should command our attention, not the justifications.  Judging Crimes is concerned with the reality of judicial power rather than the verbal formulas used to defend it. 

American law professors have long liked to say they teach their students "to think like a lawyer."  Learning to think that way is a matter of internalizing certain assumptions.  The practice of judging is likewise based on a foundation of shared assumptions, among them that the United States Constitution -- a document of 8,335 words, the length of a book chapter -- provides an answer to every question.  Rather like a Ouija board.

These assumptions are so ingrained -- and their internalization is so necessary to the successful practice of law -- that most people who subscribe to them aren't even aware of having done so.  Judging Crimes will try to engage not just with the expressions of judicial power, but with the assumptions on which those expressions  rest.  

Judging Crimes won't be filled with daily entries commenting on the day's events or provide a best-of-the-web welter of links.  Many other blogs already do that, far better than I could hope to do.  (Check out these.)  Instead, Judging Crimes will contain pieces of a length that might seem long for a blog but would be short in a serious magazine.  I hope to post new pieces several times a week.

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Tuesday
17Jan2006

50. Courtroom reality

In 1885 Joseph Wesley Donovon published the third edition of his Modern Jury Trials and Advocates, including in it an address by the former lieutenant governor of Michigan, the staunch Union man Charles S. May, in his day an admired advocate and orator (the terms were virtually synonymous in the 19th century, when America was a nation of connoisseurs of forensic oratory).  The address, entitled "Trial by Jury," has this passage:

But it is in another and greater field that the trial by jury becomes a matter of supreme concern to the citizen, and rises to the dignity of one of the chief props and bulwarks of civil liberty.  Here its use cannot well be questioned.  Here, certainly, it needs no defense.  The leaning of the law, in criminal causes, should be to the side of protection and humanity.  And so it is declared to be.  The State is great and powerful, and overshadows the individual; and though it be necessary for its good that crime be prevented and punished, yet the State is not greatly harmed by the escape of a guilty man.  But the conviction and punishment by death or lingering imprisonment of an innocent man is a thing unspeakably shocking.  No care can be too great to prevent such a tragedy. 

(Try reading that aloud.  The phrases fit your breathing the way a well-made tool fits your hand, and you know at once where the emphases should be, where your voice should rise and fall.)

Eloquence often has only a passing acquaintanceship with logic, and it might seem to be missing the point of this passage to point out the shell game: the effect of freeing the guilty is measured with reference to the an artificial entity, the State, while the effect of punishing the innocent is measured with reference to the feelings of individuals. 

But note something more basic: the lawyer sees "the State" in courtroom terms, as the party seeking a courtroom victory over the defendant, rather than as the representative of the people seeking to fulfill the people's wishes, as expressed by their democratically-enacted laws.  Criminals are convicted for the good of State, not of its people.  The concept that a government has a duty to protect its people from violent death and sexual degradation doesn't even enter into it.  It's just a lawsuit.

Even more tellingly, the lawyer looks only at what happens in the courtroom: the accused is convicted or he is acquitted, and that's the only thing that happens.  The story ends with the judge's gavel.

That was the viewpoint of a leader of the Bar in 1875.  It's still the viewpoint of leaders of the Bar, judges and law professors today.  There's what happens inside the courtroom over here, and reality over there, and only the first one counts.

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