About This Blog

Judging Crimes is a blog about criminal law, violent crime and the judiciary, dedicated to making the liberal case for greater democratic control of the criminal justice system.  It's a "view from the trenches" because it's written by a practitioner, not an academic or journalist.  It examines the changing role of the judiciary in American society by looking at what judges actually do, rather than what they say.  I know what they do because I deal with the consequences every day. 

Opinions issued by judges, from Supreme Court justices on down, are justifications for the exercise of governmental power.  But it is the exercise of power itself that should command our attention, not the justifications.  Judging Crimes is concerned with the reality of judicial power rather than the verbal formulas used to defend it. 

American law professors have long liked to say they teach their students "to think like a lawyer."  Learning to think that way is a matter of internalizing certain assumptions.  The practice of judging is likewise based on a foundation of shared assumptions, among them that the United States Constitution -- a document of 8,335 words, the length of a book chapter -- provides an answer to every question.  Rather like a Ouija board.

These assumptions are so ingrained -- and their internalization is so necessary to the successful practice of law -- that most people who subscribe to them aren't even aware of having done so.  Judging Crimes will try to engage not just with the expressions of judicial power, but with the assumptions on which those expressions  rest.  

Judging Crimes won't be filled with daily entries commenting on the day's events or provide a best-of-the-web welter of links.  Many other blogs already do that, far better than I could hope to do.  (Check out these.)  Instead, Judging Crimes will contain pieces of a length that might seem long for a blog but would be short in a serious magazine.  I hope to post new pieces several times a week.

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Thursday
Dec292005

32. Extra-Constitutional Authority

Rupert Murdoch's Weekly Standard has an article by conservative think-tanker Gary Schmitt that advocates "a serious debate about abolishing FISA and restoring the president's inherent constitutional authority to conduct warrantless searches for foreign intelligence purposes."  After pausing for a moment to consider what Mr. Schmitt and his colleagues would have said about President Clinton authorizing warrantless searches, let's take a look at his choice of words.

Schmitt's phrase "inherent constitutional authority" is self-contradictory.  If authority is granted by the Constitution, then by definition it's not inherent in the office: it's granted by an external source.  The phrase "inherent power" has meaning only if it refers to powers that are not granted by the Constitution.

This leads to another basic point.  In our society, the government has no power that is not granted by the Constitution.  Right?  So whenever one of the branches of government lays claim to "inherent powers" -- powers not actually granted to it by the Constitution -- it necessarily must be seizing powers that are either [1] prohibited by the Constitution, or [2] assigned by the Constitution to one of the other branches.  To the extent this is permissible, it must be on the basis of necessity.  For example, the judiciary can claim the power to announce a dress code for lawyers so long as the legislature has not gotten around to it, because otherwise there would be no dress code and -- the horror!!

The judiciary, and particularly the state judiciary, is in a poor position to complain about the executive branch exercising extra-constitutional powers, because state courts have been extremely aggressive about announcing their own inherent powers to do such things as promulgate statutes (er, I mean, rules) prospectively determining citizens' rights (er, I mean, regulating courtroom practice and procedure).  This Tennessee case, which quotes the Tennessee Supreme Court in full King Kong chest-thumping mode, is  just one of thousands of equally preposterous cases that could be linked to.

Pity the poor legislative branch.  On one side its authority to make prospective rules of universal application has been taken over in significant part by the judiciary.  On the other side, its power to define the government's relationship to its citizenry has been assumed in surprisingly significant part by the President. 

Nah, on second thought, what's to pity?  Congress and the state legislatures can reclaim their power any time they wish.  All they need to do is halve the budgets of their antagonists (er, I mean, their co-equal branches).  That'll earn 'em all the respect they need.

If you like your discussion of inherent power to be conducted at a more rarefied level, I recommend this from Prawf's Blawg, and if that's not abstract enough for your taste check out Cass Sunstein's contribution to the University of Chicago Law Professors Collective.  For a discussion that pays respectful attention to arguments I don't think deserve it, take a look at SCOTUSblog.  (But does "SCOTUSblog" sounds more like an embarrassing medical condition or more like a person making fun of Norwegian cooking?)

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