About This Blog

Judging Crimes is a blog about criminal law, violent crime and the judiciary, dedicated to making the liberal case for greater democratic control of the criminal justice system.  It's a "view from the trenches" because it's written by a practitioner, not an academic or journalist.  It examines the changing role of the judiciary in American society by looking at what judges actually do, rather than what they say.  I know what they do because I deal with the consequences every day. 

Opinions issued by judges, from Supreme Court justices on down, are justifications for the exercise of governmental power.  But it is the exercise of power itself that should command our attention, not the justifications.  Judging Crimes is concerned with the reality of judicial power rather than the verbal formulas used to defend it. 

American law professors have long liked to say they teach their students "to think like a lawyer."  Learning to think that way is a matter of internalizing certain assumptions.  The practice of judging is likewise based on a foundation of shared assumptions, among them that the United States Constitution -- a document of 8,335 words, the length of a book chapter -- provides an answer to every question.  Rather like a Ouija board.

These assumptions are so ingrained -- and their internalization is so necessary to the successful practice of law -- that most people who subscribe to them aren't even aware of having done so.  Judging Crimes will try to engage not just with the expressions of judicial power, but with the assumptions on which those expressions  rest.  

Judging Crimes won't be filled with daily entries commenting on the day's events or provide a best-of-the-web welter of links.  Many other blogs already do that, far better than I could hope to do.  (Check out these.)  Instead, Judging Crimes will contain pieces of a length that might seem long for a blog but would be short in a serious magazine.  I hope to post new pieces several times a week.

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In Our Name
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« 29. Self-Deterrence | Main | 27. Judicial Thuggishness »
Friday
Dec232005

28. Reaching the Optimal Level of Cop-Killings

One hundred and fifty three police officers have been killed in the line of duty so far in 2005, including traffic accidents.  That's actually a relatively low number.  One reason the number of cop-murders isn't higher is "increased use of body armor," indicating somewhat ironically that even cops are caught up in the privatization of law enforcement.  (See post 1.)  Officers have to take individual responsibility for their own safety, bearing the cost in terms of discomfort and restricted movement, just as the responsibility for protecting neighborhoods has been largely transferred from the police themselves to individual homeowners, who bear the costs of home security.

The Supreme Court forbids state and federal courts from letting juries learn of the existence of evidence seized by police executing a "no-knock" search warrant -- unless the officers have  "reasonable suspicion that knocking and announcing their presence, under the particular circumstances, would be [a] dangerous or [b] futile, or that it would [c] inhibit the effective investigation of the crime by, for example, allowing the destruction of evidence." 

Whether the officer's suspicion is reasonable is determined by a judge examining the matter months or even years after the fact, in the quiet of his or her chambers, after hearing lawyers hash it out at great length.  But even if the officer's suspicion is deemed to be not merely correct (otherwise there would be no court case) but reasonable, the evidence is still hidden from the jury unless the officer's' suspicion fits in one of the three sub-categories set forth by the Supreme Court.

Justice Stevens  explains that "[t]his standard ... strikes the appropriate balance between the legitimate law enforcement concerns at issue in the execution of search warrants and the individual privacy interests affected by no-knock entries."  Stevens' use of the scale metaphor (see post 10) disguises the significance of what he's saying.  He means that the interpretation his Court gives the fourth amendment has been calibrated to achieve the  optimal number of cop-killings.

It sounds brutal stated like that, but what else does the justice means when he refers to "the legitimate law enforcement concerns at issue"?  By far the most significant "concern" is that you might see your arterial blood spurting across the floor of some tweaking methhead's lab.  Stevens' point is that some Americans have to have their privacy violated, and some cops have to be murdered, and the Supreme Court's fourth amendment jurisprudence adjusts the ratio between them, just as you might adjust the balance between your stereo's speakers.

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